a INTRODUCTION 67 (taņai), 3 6 10a, 4 37, 4 14 2, 9 6 2 aniya), 8 4 9 ab, 9 6 2 (ttaniya), 1 16 5 (taņaya) etc. 895. Tagare has misunderstood the function of tanaya-. It is a declinable adjective (like sambandhin with which it is ren- dered by Hemacandra), qualifying the following substantive and as such quite normally is in number, gender and case concord with the latter. tanaya- can be declined in all cases and numbers depending upon the substantive qualified by it. Hence there is nothing like a double genitive in tāho tanayaho nămaho (Bh. 967) as is held by Tagare'Again he understands that tana was also popular as an Instr. post-position in Western Apabhramsa. This conclusion is arrived at from mahu tanai (Paramappapayāsu, 2 186) =madiyena, sukaihim taņāint (MP. 1 12 8) 'pertaining to good poets' and vaddattanaho taneņa (HC. 1 12 8) 'for the sake of greatness' which is comparable to siddhattanaho tamena (Pähudadohā, 88). But by no stretch of imagination these cases can be made to yield the conclusion that therein tana is used as an Inst. post-position. In the first case it qualifies substantive in Inst. sing. The second case has neither any Inst. ending nor any instrumental sense. In the remaining two instances käranena is to be understood after tañena (i.e. vaddattanaho taneņa kārañena and siddhattaņaho tañena kärarena) and then is clearly seen to be a gen. post- position. Thus there is no justification for holding that tana was used as an Inst. post-position also. $96. uvari (upari) 2 3 8,6 6 2 etc. uvarim 17 8 106, uppari 1 3 3, 2 3 4 governs Gen. and are used in a Loc. sense conveying the idea 'on' 'above'. So also matthae (mastakē; Guj. mäthe) 1 8 13, 999. 897. bhanevi (abs. of V bhan. 'speak') 2 7 8, 2 17 8, 14 5 8 governs Acc. and has the sense of Sk. iti kļtvā, iti matva. From mahi-vallahu bhanevi jo thuvvai 3 9 6, 'who is praised by being spoken of as the lord of the earth--by being looked upon as the lord of the earth', we can see the semantic evolution which further changes the meaning to uddiśya, prati or 'towards' as exemplified at 67 5 and 2 4 9 (bhanevi), thus bringing it not only morphologi- cally, but semantically too in harmony with its Guj. representative bhani 'towards'. $98. Neither hontau' nor thiu are found in PC. päsu and pase- him governing genitive are used in the sense of near. See Index s.v. pāsiu governing genitive is used in the sense of 'because of as in eyaho päsiu 10 8 2, 3 'because of him'. But at 4 5 4, 10 9 6, 9 5 6, 7, 8, it appears to have been used in a genitive sense convey- ing the idea 'belonging to'. (1) Tagare, 1948, 197. (2) Tagare says that hontan in the Abl. sense is unknown to Southern Apa- bhramsa (Hist. Gram. Apa., 192). But Alsdorf quotes four instances, three from Hp. (89 18 13, 92 11 12, 92 19 2) and one from Nayakumaracariu (6 7 9) of the post-positional use of hontou. I have come across the follow- ing instance from Svayambhu's RC.: ayau kundina-nayaraho hontau 9 2 7b, and one more from the Jasaharacarixi haum vivaraho hontau Bisariu 3 3 17. There is, therefore, no ground to believe that this post-positional use of hontau was of a late Western Apabhramsa origin.
